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For many years, the MOIS used the services of Jamshid Tafrishi,
whom it claimed was a “senior PMOI member.” The MOIS used him to
establish contact with activists and artists who were cooperating with
the National Council of Resistance of Iran and encourage them to leave
the ranks of the Resistance. Tafrishi also played a vital role in the
regime’s anti-Mojahedin propaganda, including “the imprisonment,
torture and harassment of former PMOI members,” “PMOI’s involvement in
the suppression of Iraqi Kurds” and “acting as the go-between for the
Iraqi regime to purchase chemical and nuclear materials.”
Contrary
to Tehran’s propaganda, Tafrishi was not even a PMOI member, let alone
a senior official. He went to Turkey in 1988 and contacted PMOI support
associations, asking to go to Iraq to join the National Liberation Amy
of Iran. He also sent a request in writing to the NLA, and ultimately
went to Iraq in May 1989. Once the Kuwaiti crisis began, he wrote a
letter to his superior that “in light of personal problems and
preoccupations, I cannot carry on with my responsibilities in the NLA.
I, therefore, request that you send me to another country.”
Several
days later, he formally requested to be sent to a refugee camp run by
the United Nations High Commissioners Office for Refugees. In January
1991, amid the heavy bombing of Iraq, he went to a PMOI office in
Baghdad and requested financial help to leave Iraq. Tafrishi received
600 dinars (1,800 US dollars on then the official exchange rate). He
ultimately went to Jordan and then to Turkey.
Despite a
decade of active collaboration in the MOIS misinformation campaign
against the PMOI. Tafrishi wrote a detailed letter to then-UN Human
Rights Commission Special Representative on the Situation of Human
Rights in Iran, Prof. Maurice Danby Copithorne and revealed his role
and activities as an MOIS operative.
Tafrishi also submitted an affidavit to Court of Appeals in the District of Columbia. He wrote:
Until
last year, I pretended that I was an opponent of the Iranian regime,
while I was in fact advancing the assignments given by the Iranian
regime's Intelligence Ministry. In these years, I actively participated
in the Iranian regime conspiracy to accuse PMOI of human rights
violations. I was also engaged in other plans such as providing false
information about PMOI to foreign governments, particularly alleging
that PMOI is supported by the Iraqi government to tarnish the image of
the organization.
In these years, the Intelligence
Ministry invited me to Singapore four times to meet the most senior
officials of the Intelligence Ministry. Singapore is one of the
locations the Intelligence Ministry uses to meet its agents. Once it
became clear that I was meeting with Intelligence Ministry's officials…
I traveled secretly to Iran in a trip arranged by the Intelligence
Ministry and met with the Ministry's officials in Tehran and Shiraz.
From 1995 until 1999, I received a total of 72,000 dollars from the
Intelligence Ministry as payment for my work on their behalf.
I
met Saeed Emami (a.k.a Shamshiri), the number-2 man in the Intelligence
Ministry for eight years, who was behind the murder of at least 100
dissidents in Iran. The latest of these serial killings was exposed in
November 1998, when Dariush Forouhar and his wife Parvaneh were
brutally murdered in their home. Emami was also responsible for the
assassination of dozens of dissidents abroad. I also met Mostafa Kazemi
(a.k.a Sanjari, Emami's deputy), Amir Hossein Taqavi (responsible for
the PMOI case in the Intelligence Ministry, also involved in the
political killings) and Hossein Shariatmadari (a deputy Intelligence
Minister and the current editor of the government-controlled Kayhan
newspaper). My contact with the Ministry was a man by the name of Reza
who happened to be an assistant to Saeed Emami. It was revealed later
that his name was Morteza Qobbeh. He was Emami's other deputy and had
the task of recruiting those who dropped out of the Mojahedin
Organization.
The Ministry had assigned me to carry out several tasks: 1. Accusing the PMOI of violating human rights as someone who had previously worked with the organization. 2. Recruitment of disaffected members and efforts aimed at luring non-PMOI members of the NCRI away from that coalition. 3. I
was also assigned to the task of providing false information to
European countries on the PMOI and the NCRI. I was also aware that
other agents are engaged in similar activities in other countries.
Alleging
human rights abuses against the PMOI was one of the most serious
projects the Ministry was pursuing outside Iran with me and a number of
its other agents. The Ministry was convinced that if it were successful
in neutralizing the PMOI and the NCRI in their actions that exposed
human rights abuses in Iran, the United Nations would no longer condemn
the Iranian regime. They felt that the only way to achieve this was to
accuse the PMOI of human rights abuses. Thus, acting as disaffected
members of the PMOI, our responsibility was to accuse the organization
of human rights abuses in order to disarm them of the human rights
weapon.
In 1994, we were engaged in an extensive campaign
to convince Human Rights Watch that PMOI is engaged in human rights
abuses and encouraged them to prepare a report in this regard. The
information was also being sent to the United States Department of
State who was preparing a report on the Mojahedin at the time.
In
1996, using the same story against the PMOI, we met in Geneva with
Professor Maurice Danby Copithorne, UN Human Rights Commission's
Special Representative on human rights situation in Iran. The
Intelligence Ministry organized everything regarding this meeting. The
contact person with professor Copithorne was Nasser Khajeh-nouri who
operated from US but regularly visited Europe.
A
similar attempt was made at Amnesty International in 1996, when a
number of Intelligence Ministry agents met with the representative of
the human rights organization in Germany.
One of our
tasks was to discredit the PMOI among members of parliaments and
governments in Europe and the United States. In this respect we were
asked to claim that the PMOI is cooperating or being helped with the
Iraqi government.
As part of this plan, I was
assigned to inform international organizations as well as foreign
governments that PMOI was involved in suppressing the Kurdish rebellion
in Iraq. This plan was conducted under the supervision of Nasser
Khajeh-Nouri, who was the regime’s agent in the United States. He
organized interview for me and other agents with an Iranian radio
station in Los Angeles to tell our story that PMOI suppressed the
Kurdish people along the Iraqi forces. Khajeh-Nouri consequently
prepared a report under my name on this issue and sent it to US
intelligence and government agencies as well as the United Nations.
Consequently, a US Non-Governmental Organization, International
Educational Development [organization], prepared a report of their
investigation on this issue refuting our allegations against the
Mojahedin, which was published as UN document on August 22, 1995.
In
a similar move, Nasser Khajeh-Nouri once told me that he has received
reliable information that PMOI is helping the Iraqi government to buy
chemical weapons and other kinds of weapons of mass destruction. He
asked me to expose the information and said we would then make it an
international issue, by sending it to US government as well as European
governments and international organizations. He said he would
personally provide this information to US officials. To this end a
public meeting was organized in June 1995, in Hamburg, Germany where I
disclosed the information that had been given to me. Along
with 13 other MOIS agents, Tafrishi went to see Prof. Copithorne in
January 1996 and claimed to have been tortured and imprisoned by the
Mojahedin. This group held similar meetings with representatives of the
Amnesty International and the Human Rights Watch.
In late 2000, in a letter to Prof. Copithorne, he wrote:
I
am Jamshid Tafrishi and met with you in Geneva together with 13 other
individuals, including two children, as former members of the People’s
Mojahedin Organization of Iran on January 16, 1996. I had written to
you from Hamburg on the same subject a month prior to our meeting. The
objective of our meeting was to accuse the Mojahedin of having prisons
and committing torture, execution and violation of human rights on the
eve of your anticipated visit to Iran and to request that you would
reflect our information in your report.
This meeting was
neither my first nor my last act against the Mojahedin. After several
years of activity against the Mojahedin and direct cooperation with
Iran’s Ministry of Intelligence. I have now realized that my contacts
were not ordinary agents of the Islamic Republic’s Intelligence
Ministry but chief murderers and terrorists. This troubled my
conscience…
After elaborating on the MOIS activities abroad against the PMOI in all these years, Tafrishi wrote:
My
last meeting with Intelligence Ministry agents was in October 1998 in
Tehran. The arrangement was that I set aside limitations on holding
meetings abroad and go to Tehran. A travel document was provided to me
by the regime’s embassy in the Hague and went to Tehran on a direct
flight. During the trip, I met Sanjari, Reza, Hossein and Pirnia. The
meeting with Sanjari took place in Shiraz. The rest of my meetings were
in Tehran in Laleh Hotel. Owing to the secret nature of my ties with
the Iranian regime, I was taken around in a vehicle with dark
windshields. The objectives of these trips were to be briefed about
more public support for the regime and activities against the
Resistance outside Iran in tandem with other Intelligence Ministry
agents.
About one year after my last visit to Tehran,
when the factional feuding with the regime heightened over the chain
murders, I saw pictures of Saeed Emami and other perpetrators of the
chain murders and realized what kind of criminals I had been
collaborating with and what were the objectives of their directives to
me.
I was not at ease with my conscience and was
disturbed over the fact that I had spent eight best years of my life in
the service of such killers and criminals… Perhaps through this letter
and informing the Iranian and world public, I could finally come to
peace with my conscience and soothe the tremendous mental and
psychological pressure I have endured so far.”
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