From "People's Mojahedin of Iran", compiled by Andre Brie and
Paulo Casaca assisted by Azadeh Zabeti on behalf of the Friends of a
Free Iran - European Parliament
Another of HRW’s telephone testimonies is from the 25 year old Yasser
Ezati. Ezati claims, “after the first six months in Iraq, I
realized I had no desire to stay”. Since he claims to have gone
to Iraq in June 1997 and left in June 2004 it would appear that Ezati
had for 7 years wanted to leave the PMOI, but “…was repeatedly told the
only way out was to go to Iran. I was too afraid to go to Iran.”
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 From "People's Mojahedin of Iran", compiled by Andre Brie and
Paulo Casaca assisted by Azadeh Zabeti on behalf of the Friends of a
Free Iran - European Parliament
One of HRW’s testimonies is from Mohammad Hussein Sobhani. HRW
allege that he spent “…eight-and-a-half years in solitary confinement
inside the MKO’s main camp in Iraq, Camp Ashraf, from September 1992 to
January 2001.”
The FOFI delegation was thus keen to interview Afsaneh Taherian
(Sobhani’s ex-wife) in order to evaluate the serious allegations of
abuse from this key HRW witness. FOFI also spoke to PMOI officials in
Camp Ashraf, to get their response to his allegations as well as
randomly questioning members of the PMOI.
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 The Counter Intelligence Committee of the NCRI released a
statement on August 5, 2002 on Termadoyan stating: “Termadoyan was a
soldier captured in Iran-Iraq war and in 1989. Based his own request,
he joined the NLA. His registration no. with the ICRC is 0685 and he
had been interviewed privately several times by the ICRC.
He was expelled from the National Liberation Army of Iran for violating
the Army's code of ethics and lewd conduct, details of which are
available in his own handwriting and signature. He eventually returned
to Iran in February 2002.
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 He arrived in Iraq in February 1989 from Turkey and joined
the Mojahedin. He pretended to be suffering from paralyses when he was
called for security check before going to an operation. But the
specialist physicians rejected his claim after carrying out tests
(letter by a specialist is available).
Nevertheless, maximum care was taken and several people looked after
him. He was particularly interested in collecting information. In 1998
when he felt that he was being considered as security suspect, he asked
his membership to be suspended and wrote: “I would like my membership
to be suspended and stripped of my organizational responsibilities.
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 In a report by the Directorate of the NLA’s Counter
Intelligence Ministry about Farhad Javaheri Yar we read: “He had an
auto shop and came to Iraq from Pakistan in 1989 and joined the
Mojahedin. In 1994, he became a security suspect due to his pledge to
cooperate with the regime and his suspicious exit from a prison in
Zahedan. From then on, he was always complaining over what he said was
'the organization's suspicion of me as an infiltrator.’” On November
26, 1995, he stole a wire clipper and attempted to run away from the
Ashraf Camp.
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 Some of the Intelligence Ministry agents now being used in the
propaganda campaign against the PMOI have committed murder or other
serious crimes against PMOI members. Qassem Salehi, for example, is one
of the individuals used by the Intelligence Ministry in Tehran to meet
with journalists and foreign visitors and pose as a former member of
the Mojahedin. He was an MOIS agent who was sent on a specific mission
to assassinate resistance officials.
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 Those who are actively in the service of mullahs’ propaganda
and espionage campaign against Iranian dissidents and the PMOI abroad
can be classified into three categories, according to their background
and their effectiveness. The common denominator is that they are now
working for the MOIS.
The first group consists of those who have been agents of the MOIS or
the Revolutionary Guards’ Qods Force and were sent to Iraq on a
specific assignment to infiltrate the Mojahedin and the National
Liberation Army of Iran. Many of these agents have been arrested and
later released by the PMOI after the completion of investigation into
their cases; they returned to where they came from.
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 Karim Haghi introduces himself as “the former head of personal
protection of Maryam Rajavi and now a political refugee in the
Netherlands” and claims that he was a “member of the People’s Mojahedin
for 15 years.”
Haghi has never been “the head of personal protection of Mrs. Rajavi”
or a “member of the Mojahedin for 15 years”. Haghi was in the NLA like
thousands of other combatants and, like all the others, performed
sentry and guard duties on a rotational basis.
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 Behzad Alishahi, was among those who left Camp Ashraf 15
months ago, on 4 July 2004, two days after the PMOI personnel were
recognized by the Multi-National Force-Iraq as protected persons under
the Fourth Geneva Convention. In a statement on 24 July 2004, the NCRI
Secretariat reported the departure of a group of individuals, who given
a choice of staying in Ashraf or leaving to pursue a normal life, had
decided to leave.
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 Firouzmand left a Mojahedin headquarters in Iraq on 15 July
2001 and attempted to go to the Iranian Embassy in Baghdad with false
identification papers. He had stolen three weapons, walkie-talkies, a
car and a large amount of cash. He was arrested by the Iraqi police on
his way to the Iranian Embassy.
Consistent with Iraqi law, the police referred the case to the courts
to prosecute Firouzmand on espionage charges. He expressed remorse and
pleaded with the Mojahedin to allow him to return.
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 The Baroness has for more than twelve years cooperated with
Iranian authorities and received direct and indirect funding and
support from the Iranian government for her efforts to supposedly
provide humanitarian aide to refugees from Iraq who fled to Iran during
the Iran-Iraq war. However, it seems that the refugees mostly formed
Iranian funded groups such as Hakim’s force, who took refuge in Iran
and were trained and funded by Iranian Revolutionary Guards Corps and
the Iranian regime’s extra-territorial Qods Force, believed responsible
for coordinating parts of the insurgency in Iraq today. There is a
serious conflict of interest, therefore, in her claims against Iranian
opposition forces who seek to change the regime in Iran.
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 "Iran-Interlink" identifies itself as:
Iran Interlink is a pressure group / support organisation which
provides a point of contact for families and friends of members of the
Iranian Mojahedin-e Khalq. It informs about the real nature of the
Mojahedin as a religious/personality cult; exposes the Mojahedin’s
abuse of its members’ fundamental human rights; pinpoints
responsibility for the terrorist actions and human rights abuses of the
Mojahedin on leader, Massoud Rajavi; helps individuals who wish to
leave the Mojahedin to find refuge; assists those who leave the
Mojahedin come to terms with their experiences within and re-establish
themselves in the wider community; and reunites people who leave the
Mojahedin with their family and friends. Iran Interlink is based in
Leeds.
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 The clerical regime has dispatched a number of notorious agents of its
Ministry of Intelligence and Security (MOIS), posing as former members
and officials of the People's Mojahedin (PMOI), to Washington, DC, to
embark on a misinformation campaign against the PMOI.
One notorious MOIS agent coming to Washington, DC is Karim Haqi, who
has been used by the regime for espionage and terrorist schemes as well
as disseminating false information against the Iranian opposition in
the past 10 years.
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Faced with growing resistance inside Iran and international
isolation due to widespread activities of the Iranian Resistance, the
clerical regime dispatched its intelligence agents to France to counter
the Resistance.
In an interview with the Persian language section of Radio Free Europe
on October 19, Behzad Alishahi, while admitting openly to have been
dispatched by mullahs’ Intelligence Ministry, alleged that he was
tortured in Camp Ashraf in Iraq, where members of the People’s
Mojahedin Organization of Iran are based.
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